by Revilo P. Oliver
THE RECENT AGITATION over the relative righteousness of the two factions in the civil war in Nicaragua seems explicable only as intended to distract public attention from more serious matters, while perhaps permitting some jockeying between rival groups in the government in Washington.
The civil war is merely an incident in the current phase of the encirclement of the United States that began with the establishment of a Soviet base and satellite in Cuba in 1959 and the installation there of atomic missiles that constitute a constant threat to this country, only ninety miles away. The second phase of the encirclement began when traitors to American interests took from us the Panama Canal, and at that time the present events in Central America must already have been planned in detail.
The civil war in Nicaragua, with as much subsidy to both factions by American taxpayers as may be necessary, will be prolonged until the region has been reduced to such exhaustion and prostration as will permit the firm establishment of an openly Soviet state, a counterpart of Cuba, from which Communist control can and will be extended rapidly southward and northward until all of Central America has been made solidly and frankly a Communist province from Panama to Mexico, thus securing Mexico in the rear when the time comes for her hordes to swarm across the Rio Grande with the latest military equipment, supplied by us, and, with the assistance of the immigrants that are now being sent in advance, expel the American boobs from all of the vast territory we gained by the only morally justified war in our history.
It may be interesting, however, to notice briefly the antecedent cause of the present situation in Nicaragua and to observe who is primarily responsible for it.
According to the latest statistics, the population of Nicaragua has not changed from what it was when I wrote my brief Introduction to the Contemporary History of Latin America (1961), when the population was offically reported as 17% White, 69% Mestizo, 4% Indian, and 9% Negro. The figure for the White population was certainly too high, since every one who can escape across the color line does so, and it has probably decreased even further since that time.
As everyone knows, all of the Western hemisphere south of some vague line near the present Canadian border and west of the Mississippi River was orginally a possession of the Spanish Empire. After we acquired by purchase in 1803 the territory that approximately corresponds to modern Louisiana, Oklahoma, and the states north of them and east of the Rocky Mountains, the rest of North and South America remaimed in Spanish (and Portuguese) possession until Spain’s colonial empire was shattered by a series of revolutions in her several colonies, all of which were clandestinely fostered by Great Britain (with the help of the United States) to permit commercial exploitation of those regions.
All of the territory north of the Isthmus of Panama became the newly established Mexican Empire, which was soon convulsed by civil wars of its own. The first of these separated from it what is now Guatemala and the states south of it, which became the Central American Federation and thus delimited the region now known as Central America.
The American adventurers who went into Texas eventually took it from Mexico and made it an independent and sovereign nation until they decided to join the American federation. In the resulting war with Mexico, we acquired in 1848 all the Southwest and all of our territory west of the Rocky Mountains.
The Central American Federation was soon dissolved in a long series of revolutions and wars, which it would be tedious and almost nugatory to enumerate, and from which eventually Guatemala, Honduras, San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica emerged as precariously independent countries. The one crucial event occurred in 1855.
The discovery of gold in California in 1849 concentrated attention on routes to California, and a ‘self-made’ American capitalist, Cornelius Vanderbilt, who called himself ‘Commodore’ of the fleet of ferry boats, steamers, and sailing vessels he owned, saw a great opportunity. He sent his agents into the squalid territory of Nicaragua, which had relapsed into virtual savagery after it was no longer subject to Spain. They established navigation on the rivers and lakes, and connected the waterways by building the first real road in Nicaragua. Thus travelers to California could (if they could afford it) go to the Atlantic side of Nicaragua on Vanderbilt’s ships, be carried to the Pacific side by his river craft and carriages, and there embark for California, again on his ships. He was the man who got the most gold from the “Gold Rush.” And for a few dollars given some natives now and then, he owned all of Nicaragua for which he had a use.
In 1855 a great American, whom a rational nation would now honor and mourn, landed on the Pacific coast of Nicaragua with an army of 54 men. They were few, but they sufficed to rout the mongrel rabble and the effete and largely tainted Hispanics who tried to lead them. The Americans opened the country to colonization by their countrymen, hardy and spiritually healthy Nordics, men like the men who had created the United States by continually taking territories from inferior races. And several thousand Americans did follow the pioneers to Nicaragua.
William Walker was both a scholar and a hero. Born in Nashville in 1824, he was well educated in the local college and graduated summa cum laude; he earned the degree of M.D. with distinction at the University of Pennsylvania, and then studied, not only medicine, at Heidelberg, Edinburgh, and Paris. Returning to the United States, he was admitted to the bar, practiced law, and also founded a newspaper in New Orleans.
It should be noted that Walker had a rational opposition to slavery, foreseeing, as had Jefferson, the dangers of maintaining large numbers of superficially tamed savages on American soil — dangers which had been greatly augmented since Jefferson’s day by the irrational and ever more sinister agitation carried on in the Northern states by sleazy crackpots and fanatics, abetted by dishonest holy men, and subsidized by interests determined to exploit and subjugate the South.
A man of great vision, Walker prepared himself for his patriotic career by diligent study before he undertook to extend the dominion of our nation. And he might have opened for the American people a great and glorious future — one that would surely have spared us all our subsequent calamities and the doom we now face. He quickly acquired complete control of Nicaragua and was beginning to convert it into a civilized land. He encountered two great obstacles that in the end proved insurmountable.
One does not become a great capitalist and financier, if one is hampered by scruples, and certainly not, if one permits patriotism to get in the way of fast and immediate profits. Vanderbilt did not want Americans to intrude into the jungle he virtually owned, and Walker’s government, which had been officially recognized as an independent nation by the United States under the Presidency of Franklin Pierce, thought that Vanderbilt’s Transit Company should be amenable to law. What was worse, Vanderbilt’s local managers agreed and were willing to subordinate profit to the future of their race and civilization.
For a time it looked as though the glorious exploit of Americans in Texas was to be repeated, but Vanderbilt subsidized the barbarous states that bordered on Nicaragua, already aroused by the potential menace to their squalor, to invade the nascent White nation, and he hired for them as mercenaries some competent commanders. Walker had to fight off and defeat, with his army of about 1200 White men, hordes of virtually savage mongrels that poured over every border of his country and probably totalled thirty or forty thousand. This he did for a time, and he could have made his nascent nation of White men a permanent and strong outpost of the United States, if his fellow Americans had not been his and their own enemies.
President Pierce was an intelligent man, and he saw, more clearly than most of his contemporaries, what magnificent opportunity Destiny had given to the American people; he even tried to guide the nation toward that future, but he was ineffectual. He lacked self-confidence, quailed before vehement opposition, and loved his own comfort too much to brave foolish public opinion. He wanted everyone to like him — a sure means of eventually becoming disliked by everyone. In October 1854, he gave the measure of his character by disavowing the Ostend Manifesto and the American diplomats who had issued it, although they were carrying out, on his instructions, a policy he had approved and by a procedure he may have specifically sanctioned or recommended.
The United States had changed since the Constitution of their federation was adopted. In every state the indispensable restrictions on the franchise had been relaxed or abrogated. The larger cities had been filled and corrupted by a rabble of immigrants. And the lentivirus of Christianity was slowly destroying our race’s immune system. Itinerant evangelists roamed through the several states, scaring the uncultivated and ignorant masses with predictions of what the ferocious Jew-god would do to them if they disobeyed his holy man.
Rabble-rousers, consumed with envy of the supposed prosperity of the South and with proletarian hatred of the still unformed and often crude culture of a nascent aristocracy, roamed the North, ranting to the uneducated and sentimental about the sin of enslaving anthropoids on whom Jesus doted (as they said, with the effrontery of practiced liars). Cunning and unscrupulous politicians recognized an opportunity to cover themselves with a spurious morality that would put them into office and conceal their depredations in it. Greedy financiers recognized an opportunity to exploit the South, and Jews recognized an opportunity to undermine the nation they had infiltrated and instinctively wanted to destroy.
The country was accordingly convulsed with a campaign to prevent the organization of additional “slave states,” and to prevent the expansion of our White nation into areas in which the climate did not prevent the use of Congoid workers. The interests of the nation as a whole were to be sabotaged to please the pestilential agitators, their dupes, and their greedy patrons.
Under pressure from Vanderbilt and the rabble-rousers, the spineless government of Pierce disgracefully sent the American navy to blockade what was becoming an American country and thus prevent recruits and supplies from reaching Walker, even sending Americans who hoped to join Walker back home in chains. This betrayal of our national interest and even of our race placed the Americans in Nicaragua in a desperate position, but what consummated their ruin was Walker’s naïveté. When he had to leave his camp, he put a Jew in command of it, with the natural result. The camp was surprised by one of the hordes Vanderbilt subsidized, and the survivors of the rout dispersed. Walker had to take refuge on one of the American warships that was blockading the coast, and thousands of American colonists soon had to abandon their possessions and flee for their lives.
When back in the United States, Walker was encouraged by the commendation and sympathy of many virile Americans, for our people had not yet become fatally degenerate. He had no difficulty in enlisting another force and tried to return to Nicaragua in 1857, but the government of weak-kneed President Buchanan was willing to use the American navy against the interests of the American people, and Walker’s little expedition was intercepted and turned back.
Walker made one last attempt in 1860, on the very verge of the catastrophe that ended the American Republic, temporarily satisfied the sadistic malice and blood-lust of the righteous rabble-rousers, and began a moral decline that may have even then made inevitable the doom that has now fallen upon us. Walker landed in Honduras with woefully inadequate forces and was soon defeated. He took refuge on a British warship, believing that it was commanded by a British naval officer, and trusting the code of honor that in that age made officers keep their word inviolate. He was mistaken. The ship was commanded by a Sheeny wearing a British uniform, who, naturally, betrayed him to his enemies, and the champion of our race was executed by a squad of mongrels.
Walker’s tragedy was that he did not realize to what extent the lentivirus had already rotted the collective intelligence of Americans and inspired the suicidal mania that finally led them to give their country to their enemies.
It is true that Nicaragua, even under the almost insuperable handicap of its inferior population, which makes a dictatorial rule absolutely necessary, did eventually attain a degree of civilized stability and even some prosperity after Anastasio Somoza took control in 1937.
Jim Taylor spoke harshly of the régime of the Somozas in Liberty Bell for September 1987, but I had my doubts, largely because a friend of mine had been a classmate and friend of Somoza when he was an undergraduate in Northwestern University. He said he remembered Somoza as a highly intelligent young man who was not taken in by the vaporings of “Liberal intellectuals,” and who had a rational understanding of what would be requisite to make an independent nation out of Nicaragua, then a barbarism in which order was kept only by the U.S. Marines, who occupied the strategic points in the country, confining the Sandinista bandits to the jungle. It is doubtless true that, as Mr. Taylor said, Nicaragua under the Somozas was, like the United States, lousy with Jews, but no country has ever been able to erect a Jew-proof border, and it would have been unreasonable to expect so small and fatally handicapped a nation as Nicaragua to succeed where great powers failed.
After the assassination of Anastasio Somoza in 1956, his eldest son, Luis, became head of the family, and he was eventually succeeded by his younger brother, Anastasio Somoza Debayle.
The stability of Nicaragua was an obstacle to the plans of the Judaeo-Communist Empire for the encirclement and military occupation of the United States, and accordingly the western end of the Washington-Moscow Axis made Nicaragua the target of one of the innumerable actions of the United States to “befriend” and then betray independent nations into the hands of the Communists and their masters.
Young Anastasio, in his book, Nicaragua Betrayed (Belmont, Massachusetts; Western Islands, 1980) (1), called attention to the fact that what had happened in Nicaragua was merely one item in the uniform record of the United States, which covertly incites disorders and mutiny in countries it “befriends,” then rushes to help that country “fight Communism” as a pretext for betraying and delivering its victim to the Communists, in conformity with its unvarying policy of “assuming leadership, in a conspiratorial fashion, to annihilate anti-Communist nations.” For that indiscreet disclosure of what Washington is consistently doing throughout the world, as distinct from the hypocritical sucker-bait recited by Presidents, and the hogwash disseminated by the Jews’ captive press, Somoza was assassinated two weeks later. Whether or not the assassin was dispatched directly from Washington, he was paid by the tax-paying animals who have labored to finance the Judaeo-Bolshevik conquest of the world since 1933.
(1. Still in print; $15.00. Somoza must have paid for the printing and marketing of his book under the publishing imprint of the Birch business, which, of course, flourishes by denouncing Communism and treason while preventing its customers from perceiving that Jews control both. I do not know whether or not Somoza’s book was censored, but the drastic censorship of Prince Sturdza’s The Suicide of Europe before it was published by the Birch business at the expense of a wealthy American lady is a sufficient guarantee that if Somoza wrote anything that would displease the Sacred Sheenies, the wicked words were effaced before the manuscript was sent to the printers.)
So don’t wonder about what will happen in Nicaragua, and then in Mexico, and finally in the United States. The American boobs have not only dug their own graves; they have dug a grave for all our race. But, to be sure, Jesus will give their ghosts an extra lollipop while their bodies rot in mass graves, so why should they worry?
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Source: Liberty Bell magazine, October 1988