The Law of the Blood, part 1
by Douglas Mercer
ROUGHLY SPEAKING, in the first third of the 20th century, elites all over the White world began to realize that White mastery of the world was not an a given, eternal thing — began to realize that it needed to be won again. So they waged war, first with the pen and then with applied science. Finally one man saw how dire the situation truly was and rose above the others and took the race in his hands; sought to put the non-White world in its proper place forever, harmless to us. He came within a hair’s breadth of succeeding; but it all came crashing down.
In 1900, Europe and its colonial offshoots were racially conscious White nations — and they ruled the world. It should have been clear sailing into the evolutionary future along the White race’s special path, but five dangers threatened:
1) The non-White world had more people than the White world, and bred faster
2) Our fabulous riches were a magnet for non-Whites.
3) Our technology was making transport of non-Whites to our countries ever easier.
4) There was a counter-current in White countries of Christians and intellectuals committed to “democracy” and “equality.”
and 5) White countries were infested by Jews.
Had we simply got rid of the Jews, the first four would not have mattered at all.
An historian writing a history of Europe in 1800 would have mentioned the Jews only in passing; they were a thorn in our side, sucking up to Kings, selling liquor, and abusing the peasants through usury.
An historian writing the history of Europe in 1900 would have had to give enormous prominence to Jews, as in the previous 100 years they had infiltrated every aspect of European life and were already predominant in some of these.
When the Jews had no power they poisoned the wells; when they had power they poisoned our minds.
National Socialist legal theorists were deeply immersed in (and impressed by) American racial law, particularly by the way many states had made Black citizenship a dead letter, by American eugenics programs, by Americanir anti-miscegenation laws, and by the Immigration Act of 1924. The Germans thought that the Americans were taking the first steps towards creating a racially pure state — but that they often took those steps durch einen Umweg — not explicitly, but by “devious legal pathways.” On the other hand, they saw that American society also had ominous currents of egalitarianism, which, if not checked, could make America slide back into racial pollution.
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For most of European history, few thought about race or talked about race. They had something better: they had race.
When you begin talking about identity, it’s because you’re losing it.
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In the long and noble history of the White race, today we stand at the crisis point; after a long ascent along our special path, toward the stars and our evolutionary destiny, we all can see a quick and sharp and precipitous decline. The cardinal mistake, of course, was not remaining separate — most notoriously by bringing Negroes into North America. They certainly could never have made it here on their own — and if they had, some naval artillery would have been called for.
In 1735, Linnaeus said that Negroes were “crafty, indolent, and negligent,” an assessment which has stood the test of time.
And if when you begin to talk about identity you are losing it, we can see when the beginning of the loss first registered. One early stirring of racial ideas in America can be found in Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia. As always, Jefferson was a Utopian waffler, saying on one hand that the Negro was inferior and that we must be separate from them, yet he wrote the French Academy saying that he was “cheered” by the fact that there was a Negro boy in America who understood math. Imagine that! Why, the next thing you know, they’ll be rocketing us to the Moon.
For unalloyed and serious race realism, you need to turn next to the great and uncompromising John C. Calhoun, South Carolina Senator, redoubtable fire-eater, a noble and a scandalously maligned man. Calhoun saw the depredations of Haiti, the slave insurrections in his home South, the horrible prospect of race war — and the insane fanaticism of the abolitionists. He knew that their end goal was not merely emancipation; he knew that they would never be satisfied with that: They would push ever forward to full social and legal equality and onward to the final and coveted prize: Non-White access to White women.
He knew from hard-won experience the ineradicable differences between Black and White, and all his life sounded the fire bell in the night. His South stood for White supremacy; nothing less would do. But supremacy, which cannot stand up to a differential birthrate, ranks a very poor second to total separation.
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Then America saw a huge expansion of industrial capacity, bringing racial problems in its wake. It was also the time of first Darwin and then Mendel; and later the advent of modern genetics. The first brought the issue to its head, the second gave the master key to its solution. This key was the new racial learning and, for a time, it would be put to most salutary use. Soon White people were trying to put themselves back on the path.
A select band of thinkers began to see rightly that race was the fulcrum of all history, and a long line of them emerged: Gobineau, Galton, Chamberlain, Lapouge, Gunther, Fischer. When the time was ripe, the necessary knowledge was in place. All that was lacking was the will to apply it. Soon a national movement arose which would supply that in the necessary abundance.
For the most part, this was a European affair. But two Americans gave signal contributions to it as well.
It’s often been said that American “scientific racism” (the enemy’s term, but it has a certain ring to it) began on a bison hunt and ended up on trial in Nuremberg. This is true. Madison Grant became fascinated with wildlife management as a young man, and was well aware of the necessity from of culling the herd from time to time in order to strengthen it. The only thing that stops one from applying this knowledge to human populations is a lack of courage.
It’s said that Adolf Hitler considered Grant’s The Passing of the Great Race his “bible” which, if true, is the kind of buzz and back-cover blurb you simply can’t buy. Karl Brandt introduced the book as a defense exhibit at Nuremberg. In this book Grant put out the thesis that the best of the Whites (which he unfortunately restricted to Nordics) — that is, the Great Race — were on the brink of extinction due to being outbred by lower racial orders, and due to their inability to thrive in a modern, urban, scum-filled environment. On the day that the 1924 Immigration Act passed he was exultant, telling a friend that we had finally rid ourselves of our Jews — something that, sadly, was not true. In the early 1930s he sounded the alarm about the dangerously open nature of our great southern border. A prophetic warning indeed.
It was Grant’s protegé and friend, Lothrop Stoddard, who gave us the phrase the world remembered: The Rising Tide of Color. What is less well-known was that he said that this tide was “against White world supremacy.” In the 1920s and 1930s, Stoddard was a highly respected and influential American thinker and writer. In 1950 he died almost unmourned, alone, and forgotten. You see, we hadn’t gotten rid of our Jews at all. In fact, they metastasized.
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By 1900, in many nations in the White world, our race was rising to the challenge. The threat was recognized and policies were being put in place to preserve ancestral White homelands, preserve them for Whites alone. The zeal with which they did this means they knew it was a race to the finish.
In 1901, Australia instituted its White Australia policy, letting the Asians know this was a White man’s land. In 1905 England passed its Alien Law aimed at keeping out eastern European Jews. America had not yet passed its landmark immigration restriction laws, but a tidal flood of activity was already underway in that regard, and soon they would break through. Soon American states were passing anti-racemixing laws, making marriage and sexual intercourse between White and non-White illegal; states were instituting sterilization laws so that the unfit could no longer pass their defects ceaselessly into the gene pool; race laws in the American South including poll taxes and literacy tests were wisely making Negro citizenship a dead letter; “redlining” and restrictive covenants were keeping Whites and Blacks separate; even Margaret Sanger saw the menace of savage Blacks and, somewhat naïvely, thought her birth control movement would help reduce their relative numbers (sadly, it probably did the opposite). All in all, this was a time of bracing and increasing racial awareness and action.
This was the era of the so-called “hard men in top hats.” A generation alert to the dangerous dysgenic potential of their world, and alert to the prospect of White race-suicide. And more than just being alert, they decided to actually do something about it, to take those kinds of draconian and heroic measures which are the only ones that can meet the test. (To skip ahead for a moment, it’s instructive to recall that when it came to the sometimes distasteful actions they were compelled to carry out in their war for national survival, not a few National Socialists said that they were doing them so future generations would not have to.) No truer investment in posterity could ever be made.
A few years back, Viktor Orban said that nowhere is it written in the book of time that Hungarians will always exist; their existence must be fought for continually and always — something which it is always good for all peoples to remember. One racially polluted generation is not only one too many — it’s nearly impossible to return from. And against this pollution, the men of this era put up a admirable race defense — though one does wish it was 10,000 times more explicit, 100,000 times stronger, and absolutely permanent.
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“The racially pure and still unmixed German has become master of the American continent, and he will remain the master as long as he does not fall victim to racial pollution.” — Adolf Hitler
When it came to America, what intrigued the National Socialists so much was they saw a people who had historically been committed rhetorically to “liberty” and “democracy” facing a crisis, and slowly but surely waking up to the inalterable fact that it is race, and race alone, that is at the heart of all history. And they saw a people, an historically heavily Germanic nation, that was beginning to act on the new-found knowledge of race with measures commensurate to it. That is, they were a people groping their way forward to secure their future in a darkening world.
Most signal was the immigration law of 1924. This made the National Socialists sit up, take notice, and let out a low whistle. They were beginning to see that perhaps democratic America, decadent America, was not quite ready to die. It’s often said of this law that it was crafted to preserve the racial status quo forever, to freeze it in amber for all time. But this is not true, and does not give these wily and canny men near enough credit. They did better than that, much better. In point of fact they set the national quotas using the census of 1890, not 1920, before the flood of Jews came in. If kept in place, and implemented with vigor and rigor forever, the racial make up of the county would have slowly reverted to what it had been a generation before. And, considering the discouragement factor among those who were formerly infiltrating our nation, in real terms America became Whiter and Whiter right up to the moment the traitors abrogated the law in 1965. In 1965 — just before our nation sent the first men to set foot on another world — America was Whiter than she had ever been before — 93 per cent., according to some sources. These men weren’t merely conserving, they were expanding what should be expanded forevermore, and I’m telling you it gives me joy just thinking about it.
Aside from a handful of Jews, the racial makeup of the 1924 Congress was exactly that of the Continental Congress. They had awakened in plenty of time. By the 1930s, Lothrop Stoddard looked back on the 1924 law with pride and even euphoria, and said that no one now thought that America would ever have open immigration again.
To be continued
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