National Alliance Economic Policy
by Dr. William L. Pierce
An economic policy based on racial principles
THERE ARE two fundamental criteria which must be used for judging each and every governmental intervention in economic matters. They are, first, the long-range welfare and progress of the race; and second, human nature. Which is to say that in evaluating any economic policy we must ask ourselves two questions: Will this policy ultimately be beneficial or detrimental to the quality of our race? And is it in accord with human nature?
We look first at the racial effects of a policy and insist that they must be positive — or at least not negative — and then we insist that the policy be based on a clear and realistic understanding of human nature, so that it is workable.
We can understand better the significance of these two principles if we consider briefly two quite different economic systems, Marxism and laissez-faire capitalism.
Marxist economics has human happiness rather than racial progress as its ostensible aim, and it is based on assumptions that are at odds with reality and with human nature. It aims at providing material comfort for everyone, more or less equally. It cannot even admit the possibility of racial progress, because that implies that some types of men are inherently superior to others and that some directions of development are more desirable than other directions.
Whether one prefers the Marxist goal of the greatest happiness for the greatest number or the National Alliance goal of stronger, wiser, and more beautiful men and women is a matter of one’s values. It was not on its choice of values that Marxism foundered, however, but on its refusal to recognize the fact of human inequality and the nature of human motivation. When people are not permitted to work for their own profit and advancement, they do not work well; and when a society’s leaders do not attain their positions through their own strength and merit, that society is likely to be ill led.
In contrast to the Marxist system, we recognize the need to permit people to compete, to reap the fruits of their labor, and to exercise leadership according to their demonstrated ability. They will work harder and more efficiently and will order themselves in a hierarchy of ability. The result will be a stronger, better led, and more prosperous society. There will, of course, be those individuals who will not work or whose natural abilities are such that they cannot compete effectively. Rather than following the Marxist path of robbing the successful in order to reward the unsuccessful, we must take measures to ensure that society’s lowest elements do not multiply and become more numerous in later generations.
The laissez-faire capitalist system provides another illustrative contrast. Under such a system the society as a whole has no goals: there are only the goals of individual men and women. The capitalist system, like the system the Alliance wants, provides strong incentives for individuals: the strong, aggressive, and clever rise and prosper; and the weak, indecisive, and stupid remain at the bottom. Leaders tend to be capable — at least, in the capitalist economic environment, with its special conditions.
Without a unifying principle, however, a capitalist society easily can fall prey to certain inherent weaknesses. One of these weaknesses is the instability which leads the rich to become richer and the poor to become poorer, not solely because of differences in ability but because the possession of capital gives the possessor an enormous advantage in the competition for more capital. When personal gain is the only motivation in a society, those who already are rich can arrange things to favor themselves: They can buy the legislation they want, and they can block threats to their power in ways which may be destructive to the welfare of the society as a whole. They can hold down the price of labor, limit healthy competition within the society, and exploit the environment without regard for the long-range consequences.
The overly rigid social stratification resulting from unrestricted capitalism can lead to endemic class hostility and even to class warfare. It can slow racial progress by making the ability to acquire and hold capital the supreme survival trait.
We need an economic system which, in contrast to Marxism, allows individuals to succeed in proportion to their capability and energy, but which, in contrast to capitalism, does not allow them to engage in socially or racially harmful activity, such as stifling competition or importing non-White labor. We need to structure our economic system so that it cannot fall prey to the instability of capitalism. We need to maintain social flexibility, so that capable and energetic individuals always have the possibility of rising. We need to ensure that capital does not have the possibility of changing society’s rules to suit itself.
The way to achieve and maintain an economic system which meets these criteria is to design and govern the system subject to the supreme principle: The ultimate aim of all economic policy is racial progress.
One inevitable consequence of this principle is that men and women must have different roles in our economy, based on their different biological roles. If we continue to ignore Nature and pretend that men and women are essentially the same, want the same things from life, and should have similar economic functions, then our race will die, simply because our birthrate will continue to be below the replacement level.
This does not mean that we must have laws prohibiting women from becoming professional knife fighters or corporate raiders or lawyers. It does mean, however, that we must scrap the foolish legislation now in place requiring law firms or police departments or trucking companies or factories to hire certain quotas of female lawyers or law-enforcement officers or truck drivers or machine operators.
It also means that we must not propagandize our women with the notion that they can find happiness and self-respect only by being like men; instead, the emphasis in their training from childhood on should be preparation for motherhood.
And it means that economic legislation should have as one of its major goals making it possible for a much larger percentage of young women to become mothers and to stay at home with their children.
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Source: National Alliance Membership Handbook