Colin Jordan on Building National Socialism Now
by Colin Jordan
Editor’s note: The following is excerpted from Colin Jordan’s essay, “National Socialism: World Creed for the Future,” first published in The National Socialist, Number 3 (Winter 1981).
WITH THE gigantic tragedy of 1945, the greatest setback to human evolution in recorded history, still close behind us, its chilling and choking memory still omnipresent, and before us difficulties and disadvantages so gigantic as to deny us any immediate or early prospect in gaining power over our respective countries, what can be done?
One option it may instantly be stated with certainty we do not have in this doleful situation, and whereby it is vastly less doleful than otherwise, is to give up. This is something which a real National Socialist is by nature and by definition utterly incapable of doing because the will to struggle, which is the elixir of National Socialism, is in the very bones of his being. Without it he would not be who he is, but some spiritual eunuch of the living dead.
A real National Socialist is one who, in the last resort, even if it could be proved to him with mathematical certainty that defeat would attend all his efforts, would still go on fighting. He would do so, inflicting as much punishment on the enemy, and with a warrior’s song in his heart, because it is his nature to do so, and because a victory of the spirit is always won thereby.
But having ruled out surrender, what else? Is National Socialism to become at best a minute defiant echo of a bygone age, a barren exercise in nostalgia, or at worst the puerile mummery of morons and misfits; or is it to be subjected to cosmetic surgery which amounts to castration to fit the times? Or is there a way in which it can both respond to circumstances with hope of success, and yet retain its integrity?
What we now have to concentrate on is what lies within our power now as the starting point in the chance of chances, and that is to maximize our own potentialities in accord with prevailing circumstances.
What does this entail? It entails the following six requirements, and far from being a matter of gloom, contemporary circumstances should be seen as providing considerable compensation. The ultimate advantage of activities in constraint of circumstances encourages in us a response to the exciting challenge of our great adversity. The lack of shortcuts, so prone to be illusory, should advise our slower advance to that the much more thorough.
Firstly, we have to purify and develop our creed, free from all compromises and omissions of expediency, all confusions and all contradictions. This is the starting point and matrix of the revolution of the future.
Secondly, instead of prematurely trying to mobilize the masses, we have to apply ourselves without this distraction to the prerequisite task, which is to build a real elite imbued, as its standard bearers, with our purified and developed creed, and trained as functionaries of the National Socialist state in microcosm in its propagation and implementation. Thereby, in the time of future opportunity, the essential cadres will exist to step forward, trained and dependable, to take charge of events. Thereafter, in the marshalling of the masses both for the attainment of power and for its subsequent utilization, those masses will not swamp us, and draw us their way, but instead will be harnessed and led our way by our elite.
The very futility of seeking to organize the masses in present circumstances and the necessity instead to concentrate on the elite should really be welcomed, not deplored, as a salutary discipline resulting not only in the development of that vital distillation of leadership, the elite, which hitherto has been impeded, if not frustrated, by the organization of a party campaigning for mass support; but the formulation for the future of a clear and exclusive division, whatever the nomenclature, between that organization which embodies the elite, and any organization that formally enrolls the masses who are by nature only meant to be auxiliaries. The folly of striving vainly against nature to make regular activists, a natural minority, out of the vast majority of people, and thereby creating a weakness by and from numbers in the illusion that quantity in itself means strength, is a vital lesson to be learned now. Given a real elite, the extent to which lack of numbers can be amply made up for by intensity of belief, harder work, greater courage, the acquisition of higher skill, and the employment of greater enterprise, is amazing. Far from a radical, uncompromising creed being injudicious to the present period, it will desirably frighten away the unsuitable many, and attract the desirable minority.
Thirdly, the acquisition of total national power, at one go, being at present out of reach, we must meanwhile give our attention to the acquisition of power in other lesser and more gradual ways. We must take note of, and practice as far as possible, the art of making revolution by infiltration, gaining power piecemeal by stealth, being successfully practiced by our opponents.
Those who say that communism cannot come in this or that country because of its inability to do so by overt means of the ballot box or a march on the capital are blind to the fact that power can also be gained bit by bit, slowly but no less surely, by the infiltration of persons to positions of power in all fields and at all levels, and the exercise then of the influence that these positions provide. It is happening right now in country after country where a creed of multiracial equality and collectivism, which amounts to a very substantial first installment of communism, accompanied by encouragement of many acts of barbarity as a corrosive to facilitate the revolution in view, is being purveyed by the deliberate agents of infiltration. With Britain today, communism is not something outside her gates, or restricted within to its overt adherents, but is already functioning in the press, radio and television, in the race relations and social security networks, and in the schools and in the trade unions, because of the number of Reds who have taken power there.
Obviously we are severely handicapped in comparison, but not to the exclusion of all possibilities.
Fourthly, as another form of power snatching in bits and pieces, even if very small bits and pieces, we must give due attention to the promotion of possible piecemeal implementation of National Socialism in microcosm as an infiltration of our society of the future into the society of today.
For instance, where National Socialists can set up schools for the education of their children, even as additions where they cannot be substitutes for the orthodox ones; labor service projects for their teenage sons and daughters; business enterprises on thorough National Socialist lines; even whole miniature communities: in all such we can today anticipate and experiment with our system of the future. Some such projects can have application and benefit to the local area and the local people in general, and since practice is more potent propaganda than preaching, can lay foundations for future support; while at the same time benefitting us by providing experiment for prototypes in preparation of the future.
In this present period, when desires and efforts to grasp at the state as a whole and at the top are unrealistic, the new radical National Socialism has to show itself by its appropriate concentration on the roots of society, capturing ground from the democratic state at the bottom as it can. The full extent to which society can be changed short of national state power is a matter which must be thoroughly investigated and appreciated, and then exploited to the utmost.
Fifthly, attention must be given to those deeds of high imagination, high daring, and high organization, which have proportionately a high propaganda impact, winning attention beyond mere words which come cheaply, sensationally asserting the existence of the Movement now and staking its claim for the future in a period when ordinary campaigning for the attention and support of the masses is unprofitable and hence to be eschewed. These are activities which call for the elite, and keep the sword bright and sharp, so that there is no question of a withdrawal from mass activity being retreat to a political hermitage, which is indeed a very real danger to be guarded against.
At their highest development, it may be said to be a matter of applying the principles of Otto Skorzeny to political warfare, whereby small elite groups of specially trained men can, through the use of the most unconventional audacity, achieve results vastly in excess to their numbers. Our creed is the creed that upholds quality above quantity in life, and especially in these days when quantity is so obviously not on our side or near at hand, it behooves us to concentrate on the powerful art of making quality make up for our lack of numbers.
Sixthly and finally, since we need the breakdown of the Old Order to build the new, the more spanners which can be thrown in the works of the present system, the better. Its systematic sabotage in every possible way is purposeful commendable demolition for the real National Socialist revolutionary, who appreciates that things have got to get worse before they can get better, and that an existing decrepit structure has to be torn down before a new and better edifice can be erected in its place. At first, however, this might be taken to pose a dilemma by carrying the suggestion that decadence in itself is to be encouraged and promoted, but it is resolved by adherence to the criterion that National Socialism as the ends justifies all means consistent with National Socialism, but none other.
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Source: New Order