Classic Essays

The Shame of the West

nurembergAnother major revisionist work from Britain

IF ANY PUBLISHER in the world today deserves the commendation of that minuscule but hardy band of human beings who still like to hear both sides of an important issue, it is the Historical Review Press. Almost alone, this gutsy little British publishing house has dared to challenge the Holiest Writ of the liberal-minority coalition with a series of devastating works that are sapping some of the basic intellectual substrates of the contemporary Western Weltbild.

It is the Historical Review Press, which came out with Richard Harwood’s Did Six Million Really Die?, the first book by an English author to attack the Holocaust gospel. Soon afterward, it mounted an equally deadly assault on the six million legend by publishing Arthur Butz’s The Hoax of the Twentieth Century. This work was so loaded with truth serum it actually parted the media’s iron curtain and became a cause célèbre in Northwestern University where Professor Butz teaches. Headlines in Chicago newspapers informed the startled and brainwashed public that someone out there was actually questioning what for more than thirty years had been considered a sacred truth. Even the New York Times and the Washington Post had to take note of the front-page stories in the Midwest press.

A few months ago the Historical Review Press announced another scholarly tour de force by Richard Harwood titled Nuremberg and Other War Crimes Trials. What has long been hailed by the world’s liberal and equalitarian community as a model of international justice is now revealed to be a twentieth-century Star Chamber designed to perpetrate a series of judicial murders — a legal conspiracy entered into by leading jurists of Britain, France and the U.S. with the enthusiastic assistance of a military judge from the land of Gulags where tens of millions of Soviet citizens had been starved, shot or worked to death.

Harwood begins by referring to the 1976 “war crimes” trials in Angola, where white mercenaries were sentenced to death or to long prison terms despite some whining objections of the Western press, which had never uttered a word of criticism in 1946 when the Western powers themselves cooperated in a far more pernicious and unjust show trial at Nuremberg. Before getting into the meat of his material, Harwood reminds us that, though they started in 1945, such trials are still going on today and that not all of them took place in Germany. Anton Mussert, the Dutch National Socialist, was executed by the government of The Netherlands; Vidkun Quisling was killed by a Norwegian firing squad; Lord Haw Haw (William Joyce, an Irishman born in the U.S. who had acquired German citizenship) was executed by the British government for treason, although he had never been a British citizen. Ezra Pound, one of the great modern poets, was committed to a Washington insane asylum for twelve years, a portent of the psychiatric treatment later extended to Russian dissidents by the Kremlin. Germans and pro-Germans, both civilians and military men, were hanged, shot or gassed by the governments of France, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Poland. In Germany itself 1,000 cases were tried by March 1948, most of them under the separate aegis of Britain, France and the U.S. Only at Nuremberg were the trials presided over by a mixed judiciary of the “Big Four.”

Harwood not only provides a precise account of the major and minor trials; he goes behind them and exposes the men who revved up “public opinion” to the point where such trials would be acceptable. Among the leading propagandists were British hatemonger Robert Vansittart and Jewish-American genocidist Theodore N. Kaufman, who proposed the sterilization of 48 million Germans to exterminate, in his words, “Germanism” in two generations. Both these gentlemen were spewing forth their anti-German venom before the U.S. had even entered the war and at a time when the Holocaust was just a vague scenario in the febrile imagination of their colleagues. In 1943 James Gerard, former U.S. Ambassador to Germany and as woolly a liberal as could be found on either side of the Atlantic, urged that the Allied hang 10,000 Prussians. The program was warmly praised by the Writer’s War Board, set up by Henry Morgenthau and headed by Rex Stout, a hack scrivener of detective stories, who contributed a memorable article to the New York Times Sunday Magazine entitled, “We Shall Hate Or We Shall Fail.” Clifton Fadiman, Stout’s Jewish Man Friday, who had previously made a pot of money translating Nietzsche, wrote in the New Yorker, there was “only one way to make a German understand and that’s to kill them, and even then I think they don’t understand.” To show the intellectual level of these poison penmen, Harwood, when quoting Fadiman, preserves the original grammar. Another frenetic temperature raiser was lawyer Louis Nizer, who demanded the death sentence not only for 5,000 Nazi officials, but also for 150,000 smaller fry. Joseph Pulitzer, the Jewish owner of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, outbloodied everyone except Kaufman by calling for the execution of 1,500,000 Germans.

Indoctrinated for several years with such high decibel anti-German propaganda, Allied occupation troops did not need much urging to mete out the harshest treatment to their war prisoners and the civilian population. Looting was widespread; rape not infrequent; and prisoners were kept on a near starvation diet. But the non-fraternization order enacted at the behest of Henry Morgenthau, who also wanted to turn Germany into a sheepfold, was rescinded after a few months at the suggestion of British Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, though many other Morgenthau directives, despite their opposition by non-Jewish American officials, were rigorously enforced. These included moving German industrial plants to Allied countries and the shut down of all ports, schools and universities until the high echelon Nazi personnel were purged. As Harwood writes:

When the occupation began, the daily food ration in the American zone was 900 to 1,000 calories, although an extra 200 calorie allowance was made to “persecuted persons” (i.e. Jews). It was reported that more than half the babies born in Berlin in August [1945] died of starvation ….The winter of 1946-47 was one of the coldest in history ….No coal had been delivered to Germans for heating since October, and Germans were reduced to following carts delivering coal in order to pick up any pieces that fell off. In Berlin two hundred people froze to death on a train. [Herbert] Hoover reported at the end of February 1947 that Germany had sunk to a level of existence not known in Europe in a hundred years.

Efforts to ameliorate this distressing situation were opposed not only by Morgenthau and the Writers’ War Board, which was still in business, but by Eleanor Roosevelt and Albert Einstein, then considered to be the two greatest living humanitarians.

As the denazification program got underway, the Russians concentrated on economic destruction, rather than further punishment of the vanquished. The French emphasized education rather than chastisement. The British spent most of their time going after the VIPs. But in the U.S. zone an attempt was made to screen the entire German population. Thirteen million questionnaires had to be filled out and, to see that they were, ration cards were withheld from those who refused. Hundreds of tribunals were set up. All those brought before them were presumed guilty of Nazi acts or Nazi thought unless they could prove otherwise. Without clearance no one could hold any important position in either the public or private sector. Those not cleared could receive up to five years’ forced labor.

One of the organizations most active in the war crimes trials was the U.S. Office of Strategic Services, which later evolved — or devolved — into the CIA. Its ranks comprised a strange mixture of radical American Jewish Trotskyites, New York socialists and Wasp establishmentarians — a team of opposites that Harwood portrays with considerable literary and dramatic skill.

The leitmotiv of Harwood’s book, as the title indicates, is the review of the various trials, the first of which took place in Belsen, where the principal defendant, SS Captain Joseph Kramer, first denied there had been any extermination program whatsoever, but then after some long and hard interrogation admitted the existence of a gas chamber at Auschwitz. Before he could change his mind again, he was hanged.

At first the Allied warlords could not agree on the set-up of the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. Stalin and Churchill wanted to save time and legal costs by simply arresting top-ranking Nazis and shooting them on the spot. But Churchill objected to Stalin’s proposal that as many as 50,000 Nazis should get this treatment. Roosevelt, always the smooth fence-mender, interrupted, “Perhaps … we should settle on a smaller number. Shall we say 49,500?”

Harwood fills page after page with the highlights of the 403 open sessions of the International Military Tribunal. All the leading actors in the drama, prosecutors and persecuted, are presented, even those who supplied the American documentary evidence for the trials: Capt. Seymour Krieger, Lt. Brady Bryson, Lt. Frederick Felton, Sgt. Isaac Stone, Hans Nathan, Dr. Jacob Robinson, Lt. Kenyon, Dr. Derenberg, Dr. Jacoby.

More interesting than the informative profiles of the twenty-one Nuremberg defendants are the biographies of the principal prosecution witnesses. These were either renegades like General Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski, professional liars or double agents like Kurt Gerstein and Wilhelm Hoettl or concentration camp commanders like Rudolf Hoess, who tried to save their skins by signing any paper put in front of them. Hoess wrote his confession in English, sprinkled with a few suspicious Americanisms though he had never shown any familiarity with the language. In April 1959, thirteen years after he had helped send his fellow Germans to their deaths at Nuremberg, Bach-Zelewski publicly recanted his testimony, admitting that what he had said had not the slightest foundation in fact and that he had merely been trying to preserve his own life. Gerstein, before his mysterious death in a French prison, had claimed as many as 25 million Jews had been murdered. It was Hoettl who introduced the figure of six million into the trial, when he testified that Eichmann had told him that many Jews had been killed. Hoettl, incidentally, had been condemned by the SS for land fraud in 1942 and later worked for American authorities, who arrested him in 1953 for complicity in a Soviet espionage case.

The defense lawyers were forced to work in one dimly lit room. On occasion they themselves were arrested, refused admittance to the court or deliberately deprived of a sufficient number of copies of the prosecution’s evidence. Only a few defense witnesses were allowed to appear. Verboten were all discussions of the Versailles Treaty, the huge death toll of prisoners captured by the Russians and the uprooting and dispossession of 11 million Germans from the Eastern areas. Harwood notes:

Although the prosecution could expound at great length about the bombardment of Warsaw and Rotterdam, the defense were forbidden any mention of the horrific Dresden bombings.

The “hanging” mood at Nuremberg is made more understandable when we learn that Andrei Vyshinsky, who produced the Moscow show trials in the 1930s, was given a banquet when he came to town and a seat in the courtroom at the prosecution bench.

More than 100,000 documents were screened for use in the Nuremberg trials, necessitating a staff of 600 Americans and about an equal number of British, French and Russians. The documents on the SS filled six freight cars. The written record contained 5 million pages.

Ten Nuremberg defendants were hanged October 15,1946, Goering having cheated the gallows at the last minute by swallowing cyanide. Harwood writes:

The prisoners were given a short drop so that their necks would not be instantaneously broken and they would strangle slowly. The official timing between the springing of the trap and the extinction of life in the ten victims were: Minutes 18, 24, 13, 10, 10 1/2, 12, 14, 14, 16 and 11. The man in charge of the executions was one John C. Woods, a sergeant in the US Army, who in 1952 was himself mysteriously electrocuted on the remote island of Eniwetok. An article in Stag magazine (Vol. 3, No.1) by the official US Army undertaker, who was present at the executions, states that “The Jewish-American boy in charge of the execution [of Julius Streicher] let him strangle horribly for a long, long minute.” Several of those executed also suffered face and head injuries, as they struck the edges of the trap door opening, on the way down …. The ten bodies, plus Goering’s, were displayed to waiting newsmen (and gory photographs splashed over the next day’s sensationalist press, except in Britain where they were considered too disturbing).

The bodies were then disguised in US Army uniforms, taken secretly to Dachau and cremated there; their ashes being sifted into the nearby River Isar.

After Nuremberg, the U.S. held many other trials in which 456 death sentences were handed down, not all of them carried out. Of those acquitted many were handed over to German denazification courts, which often gave the accused stiffer sentences than they would have received if they had been found guilty by the Americans. The British put on 356 trials of their own and among those hanged were three Germans pronounced guilty of furnishing Zyklon B, a standard pesticide, to concentration camps. This was the Zyklon B which killed typhus-carrying lice and thereby saved the lives of tens of thousands of concentration camp inmates in the anarchic closing days of the war.

Harwood devotes an interesting chapter to the American Military Tribunal trials, whose targets included the I. G. Farben chemical cartel and the Krupp steel empire. Since the elder Krupp was hospitalized and near death, his son Alfried was arrested in his place and sentenced to twelve years, of which he served seven. The evil genius who presided over these proceedings was the Jewish-American West Point graduate Col. David Marcus, who later helped direct the Zionist occupation of Palestine. When serving as “the first soldier since Biblical times to hold the rank of General in the Army of Israel” and as Commander on the Jerusalem front, Marcus was accidentally killed by a Jewish sentry. The British trial of Field Marshal Manstein and the American “Dachau trial” are also covered by Harwood. In the latter, the author documents the outright torture of German witnesses and defendants. Lt. Col. Burton F. Ellis, Capt. Raphael Shumaker, Lt. Robert E. Byrne, Lt. William R. Perl, Morris Ellowitz, Harry Thon and Joseph Kirschbaum were the “investigators” in the Dachau case. Some of these gentlemen admitted to staging mock trials to force confessions out of the defendants. Harwood recounts:

One notable incident occurred when investigator Joseph Kirschbaum brought a certain Einstein into court to testify that the accused Menzel had murdered Einstein’s brother. When the accused was able to point out that the brother was alive and well and, in fact, sitting in court, Kirschbaum was deeply embarrassed and scolded Einstein: “How can we bring this pig to the gallows if you are so stupid as to bring your brother into court?”

In Harwood’s view, the Jerusalem trial of Adolf Eichmann in 1960 qualified as a war crimes trial. In some ways it even went beyond the mockery of Nuremberg in that it began with a government-sponsored kidnapping and ended in a death sentence pronounced by three Jewish judges (no jury), after important defense witnesses were refused safe conduct by the Israeli government.

In his conclusion Harwood points out that every single charge brought against the German “war criminals” could have just as easily been pinned on the Allied leaders, ranging from the count of “Conspiracy to wage war” (Stalin’s planned invasion of Poland), “Crimes against peace” (America’s occupation of Iceland and Greenland), “War crimes” (the bombing of Dresden and Hiroshima), “Crimes against humanity” (the Soviet massacre at Katyn).

Harwood’s brilliant compilation will furnish the indoctrinated Majority member in both Britain and the U.S. a new set of eyeglasses with which to view the almost totally immoral post-World War II world, where every traditional concept of Western chivalry, equity and fair play was gutted to satisfy the Old Testament vengefulness of the people of the book.

History may never forgive this indecent violation of Western jurisprudence by fellow-traveling government leaders, the descendants of the great men who originally conceived the Anglo-Saxon common law, one of whose chief purposes was to prevent such legal monstrosities as the war crimes trials. The fact that Westerners were the passive agents and Jews the active agents in no way excuses the former. Our contamination is not lessened by the fact that our officials only followed where Jewish organizations led them.

We must salute Richard Harwood for bringing our shame out in the open. Only by realizing the enormity of the “Trial by Jewry” at Nuremberg will we be able to prevent the recurrence of such injustice in the future.

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Source: Instauration magazine, December 1978

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1 Comment

  1. April 11, 2016 at 2:30 pm — Reply

    The formerly White West !!

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